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- Published on: 1656
- Binding: Paperback
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0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
By For Tomorrow 24
I am by no means a supporter of Margaret Thatcher, but as someone with a keen interest in politics, how could I ignore her? She was a political giant and a truly remarkable woman. 'The Path to Power' was published in 1995, after her first, and far superior volume of memoir: 'The Downing Street Years', which covered her time as the first female Prime Minister of no.10 Downing Street.In 'The Path to Power', Thatcher reflects on the early years of her life, when she was plain little Margaret Roberts, the daughter of a grocer who was also a former mayor for the town where she enjoyed her seemingly wonderful childhood, Grantham. She writes about how these days were to influence her political career and strong beliefs, before moving onto her years at college, education at Oxford university, her days as a chemist, and then as a lawyer. Later on, we read about her role in politics right up to the events which led to her history making election as the first women Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. She also explains to a satisfying degree, the formation of the principles that became Thatcherism, and this was particularly insightful, and interesting to read.'The Path to Power' wasn't a bad read overall , but it is a long, heavy book (like it's best-selling predecessor 'The Downing Street Years', but nowhere near as interesting), and really only one of the devoted Thatcher fan most likely. I admit that I found it a struggle to get through, but learnt a lot from it. The book is illustrated with vintage black and white photographs, including a nice one of her and Denis on their wedding day.
19 of 20 people found the following review helpful.
By PishPash
This is an abridged version of two books combined - 'The Downing Street Years' and 'The Path To Power'. - below is a quote that explains why it has been re-released in this way -Martin Redfern, Editorial Director of HarperPress, said: "For the autobiography, we have condensed the memoirs down to some of the most fascinating times, and arranged it chronologically... It is a long time since they first appeared, and it was her wish that this book should come out following her death, that it would be a testament to her."For me, this is a version of two books that has made the material far more appealing and accessible than it had been in its predeceasing volumes. I'm not a Thatcherite myself, nor am I anti-Thatcher, but having got involved in numerous discussions about her, since her death, so in the interests of gaining further insight, this somewhat more condensed version of events, found in this book, in her own words, has been great to read.I can't draw a comparison between this and the original releases, as I don't know what has been omitted, however, at 700 pages, this was far less daunting a task than the 1,300+ paged alternatives would have been.
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
By T. T. Rogers: Meta-reviewing
Margaret Thatcher's 'The Downing Street Years' is, in my estimation, one of the greatest political memoirs of all time. The book satisfies all the basic criteria: it is well-written, informative and thorough. Thatcher doesn't necessarily go in for critical self-analysis, but on the other hand this is a conviction politician who entered office with a definite and clear purpose and a coherent programmic theoretical framework. Her passion is palpable and it is obvious that she really did want to change Britain, for the better. Personally, I do not on the whole sympathise with Thatcher's politics, but I must hail 'The Downing Street Years' as a literate and well-crafted memoir, the type of book that a graduate chemist and barrister is well-qualified to write. And you can tell she really did write this: the prose is missionary, trenchant and punchy.The book is organised thematically. This has become a modern fashion which few political biographies veer from, though in my opinion it often works out badly. But not for Thatcher, who manages to pull it off well and the book just flows. The chapter headings are entertaining, at turns witty, prescient and amusing. I think the highlights are the sections on the Falklands War, the crisis that could (perhaps should) have brought her down early ['The Falklands War: Follow The Fleet' and 'The Falklands: Victory]; the Westland Affair, a relatively trivial Cabinet tussle trumped-up into a minor constitutional crisis that almost did lead to her resignation [pp. 423-437]; the Miners' Strike ['Mr. Scargill's Insurrection']; later relations with the then-European Community ['The Babel Express']; and her eventual resignation in the midst of a leadership challenge ['Men In Lifeboats']. There are also some great colour pictorial sections interleaving the book, and the index is thorough and helpful. Some reviewers seem to think that the book is too long. I have to confess, this point never before occurred to me. If anything, I should have thought the book could have been much longer, and I for one would not have minded in the slightest.What else to say? Well, I suppose a useful exercise would be to compare this highly-literate memoir with the inferior products being churned-out today. An honourable exception would be John Major's, which stands up very well, but the others are poor, especially Blair's half-literate, jumbled mess of a book. I think this drop in literary standards among political biographies tells us something about the material we propel into public life now. Speaking as one of the generational group that sociologists call 'Thatcher's Children', you could say I am one of her 'wayward sons': I could wax lyrical about my points of disagreement with Thatcher's politics. Nevertheless, I must acknowledge her superior intellect and observe that it would be unmatched were she around today. This is not some kind of neo-oldfogeyism. Lots of things have improved since the 1980s, but we have also regressed in many areas. The debates that took place in Parliament in Thatcher's era and before were much more thoughtful and literate than those of today. In a sense, Thatcher belongs to a divisive but more colourful and principled era of politics, and it is no coincidence that most of the interesting figures in politics today on both the Left and Right emerged from, or were touched-by, the Thatcher years. A sad and unfortunate paradox is that it was Thatcher herself who presaged the decline and brought us the awful persiflage of Blairism: she began the media management techniques that would later coarsen British politics and introduce the boring, drippy, compliant personalities who get "elected" today.Perhaps one issue that might irritate the politically-literate reader of this book is Thatcher's quite shameless revisionism over Europe. She doesn't exactly hide her role in selling-out Parliament to Brussels, but she does not really take proper responsibility for it either, preferring to blame shadowy forces and pressures for her own cowardly decisions. Those in favour of Europe as an integrated political concept will be inclined to disagree with Thatcher's rather Manichean attitudes to the project (without realising, perhaps, how pro-European she once was, even as Prime Minister). Those against Europe will feel frustrated that she said so much on the issue but did so little to preserve Britain's sovereignty during a crucial period of the Community's evolution. In fact, Margaret Thatcher practically signed-away parliamentary sovereignty in her first few years as Prime Minister, continuing a political movement that would eventually (under Major-Blair) leave our Parliament bereft and purposeless. She signed the treaty that created the European Single Market and her government pushed the Single European Act through Parliament ruthlessly. Lest we also forget that earlier in her career, under the Heath premiership, she was one of the most vocal Tory Cabinet ministers campaigning for Britain's entry into what was then called the European Economic Community, something that probably made her cringe later. In short, if Margaret Thatcher was a Eurosceptic, then she was a pretty tepid one. And she was certainly no Nationalist.Her supposed 'regrets' about Europe and increasing Euroscepticism towards the end of her premiership are part of the mythology of Thatcher: the Iron Dream, if you like. The myths do harbour some truth - she probably really did regret it all - but I think the real story is that when Thatcher started baiting 'Europeans', she was just being an astute politician. She was keenly aware that most Britons - certainly most of the English - are disinclined towards the notion of a federal Europe as they value our island identity. Furthermore, the southern English - more conservative than the social-democratic northern English - see Europe as a Continental 'social' project. Having apparently rejected Butskellism herself and shifted the Conservative Party to the Right (supposedly), it was a natural progression for Thatcher to come to reject Europe, at least conceptually. At first, though, she saw no need to do so. With large majorities, she could govern Platonically on the overarching issues such as Europe, without popular ratification of her unpopular decisions. But as the Tory Party declined in popularity and it became clear that her premiership was threatened, she adopted Euroscepticism not as a through-going rejection of Europe, but as a strategic ruse. Had she survived in office, the Labour Party would have been painted as pro-European and Quisling by the tabloid press and that would have formed the basis of a Tory general election campaign in 1991/92. It is true that as part of the War generation, Thatcher understood that Europe was, ontologically, a Continental project and, essentially, an extension of German power over Europe that earlier Germans had been unable to achieve militarily, but I am not convinced she was completely genuine in her concerns over the submergence of British sovereignty and identity: she had already given away more of those than any prime minister in the Nation's history.In a sense, Thatcher wrote this book to contribute to her own mythology. The way the book is written projects her as a kind of heroinic persona. Even the book cover is almost Stalinist in its subliminal appeal to the cult of personality, but this Iron Dream that Thatcher was a kind of modern Boadicea who stood up to Europe before being deposed by a group of Quislings is false. She was just another chiseler, albeit one with a bit more principle and scruple toward the end.
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